香港城邦 Hong Kong City-State (1842~ )
A Brief History of City-state 城邦簡史
By Wan Chin 陳雲 著
Translated by Chapman Chen曾焯文 編譯
後殖民理論極少提及城邦，最多係用來形容星洲（而﹝二Ｏ一一﹞香港城邦論正正指出星洲獨立後走向獨裁，失去寬容自由之風）。其實，一處地多因種種原因未能或不宜獨立，但又不欲受宗主國欺凌剝削同化，城邦自治的確係至佳選擇。下文撮譯了香港城邦論有關世界城邦史及香港城邦史之章節，足以令大家認識到香港城邦自治歷史淵源悠久，一向自由浪漫，彌足珍貴﹔一國兩制並非中共恩賜，而係香港一百七十年傳统，港人為了生存，也為了尊嚴，須誓死捍衛，並且發揚光大。
城邦是希臘的傳統，也是民主的根源，帕拉圖的《理想國》，亞里士多德的《政治學》，都以城邦為藍本。獨立國家主權是一六四八年威斯特發利亞條約（Treaty of Westphalia）之後的事，即規定一國有固定的領土和治權，不容外界干預。此前，根據希臘人的觀念，即使某城參與某帝國，但只要有自己的法律、議會、文官和法庭，就是城邦。古雅典城邦的中心是衛城（citadel），周邊是城區和鄉村。香港即使是中華人民共和國一部分，但有自己的法律、議會、文官和法庭，甚至有獨立的貨幣(independent currency)、護照、郵政(postal service)、海關、國際電話區號、國際組織締約權（例如香港比中國更早加入世貿組織）等等，即使中國不是聯邦制，但香港擁有的權力，比任何一個聯邦國家之一邦，甚至自治州（Freistaat; free state）、自治市（Freistadt; free city），來得更大。香港是城邦，無可置疑。甚至香港政治地理，也如古希臘城邦：維多利亞城（Victoria City）、九龍的城區及新界的鄉村。
Postcolonial colonial theories rarely employs the term, “city-state”, and when they do, they are usually referring to Singapore as a sovereign state, e.g. Amitav Acharya (2008) and Daniel Goh (2009). (In contrast, Wan Chin’s [2011] On Hong Kong as a City-state precisely points out that Singapore, after becoming independent, has moved towards despotism and lost the city-state spirit of tolerance and freedom.) When a region, because of various reasons, cannot or should not go independent and does not want to be exploited, manipulated and assimilated by its metropole, city-state autonomy is unarguably the best choice.
According to Wan Chin (2011), city-state is a Greek tradition as well as the origin of democracy. Plato’s Republic and Aristotle’s Politics are all based on the idea of city-state. Independent sovereignty did not come into being until the Treaty of Westphalia, which stipulated that a country had a fixed territory, and did not permit interference from outside.
Before that, according to the Greeks’ conception, even if a city joined a certain empire, it would still be a city-state, provided that it had its own law, parliament, civil service, and court. The centre of the ancient city-state Athens was its citadel, surrounded by its urban and rural areas. Even though Hong Kong is part of People’s Republic of China, it has its own law, executive and legislative councils, civil service, judiciary, and even independent currency, passport, postal service, customs, international telephone code, membership of international organizations (e.g. HK joined WTO much earlier than China), etc. Even if China is not a confederation, the power possessed by Hong Kong is larger than one of the states of any federation, and even any free state or free city. Hong Kong is undoubtedly a city-state. Even the political geography of Hong Kong resembles an ancient Greek city-state – Victoria City, Kowloon urban area and New Territories rural area (Wan Chin 2011: 65). Wan Chin’s (2011) On Hong Kong as a City-state meticulous traces the origin and development of city-state in world history and explores the applicability of the concept to Hong Kong.
城邦是甚麼？城邦的英文是city-state，德文是Stadtstaat，概念都來自希臘文polis，顧名思義，是城與邦的混合體。是以城市為核心範圍的自治體（autonomous entity），有時是主權獨立的，但很多時是依附於一個主權體制（通常是帝國或王族）之下，成為其轄區或軍事保護區，或至少在名義上受到王族或帝國的軍事保護及外交領導。為甚麼城邦一般不能獨立的呢？原因很簡單：城邦是商貿之地，有自足的生態圈，有河流、海域、森林、農田等，但不足以自給自足，必須依賴商貿往來，也要依賴腹地（hinterland）支援，故此不能獨立自存。城邦的管理者由商人世族組成，不能征戰，故此必須托靠地域王族或海外勢力（如帝國殖民主義者）。故此，城邦市民必須精於協議，與外地結盟，服膺誠信及法治，始可以取信於天下。
What is a city-state?
According to Wan Chin (2011),the concept comes from the Greek word, polis. The very name suggests that it is a synthesis of city and state. It is an autonomous entity with the city as its core. Sometimes it is independently sovereign but more often it is attached to a sovereign enity (usually an empire or a royal family) as a duchy or a military protection zone. Why are most city-states unable to go independent? It is because while a city-state is a place of commerce and trade with a self-sufficient ecology, including rivers, seas, forests, agricultural fields, etc., it has to rely on business transactions as well as support from the hinterland. That is why it cannot survive independently.
The administrative body of a city-state is composed of aristocratic business families, who cannot fight in battles. Thus it must depend on a regional royal family or an overseas power (e.g. an imperial colonizer). Hence, the citizens of a city-state must be good at making agreements and forming alliances with external powers, and must have sincere belief in honesty and rule of law, in order to earn the trust of the world (Wan Chin 2011: 67).
雅典 Athens
- 城邦的系列延展
城邦來自通商與貿易，歐洲的城邦通常是沿海的商港。
City-state comes from commerce and trade. European city-states are usually coastal mercantile ports.
原生Primary的城邦發源於地中海沿岸的希臘本土城邦（如台比斯Thebes、雅典、斯巴達），希臘城邦奠定體系之後。
Primary city-states originated from Greek metropolitan city-states along the coast of the Mediterranean Sea, such as Thebes, Athens, and Sparta). Following the example laid down by the Greek city-states, there arose a lot of other city-states -- city-states developed by forceful occupation as well as allied cities of mercantile autonomy. The former included city-states developed by Alexander the Great and city-states set up by the modern British colonizer. The latter included Scandinavian and central European Hanseatic League.
隨後，後繼的城邦眾多，有用軍事強行攻略而開發的城邦，也有商人自治的結盟城市，前者有古希臘亞歷山大帝開拓的城邦及現代英國殖民者設立的城邦，後者有北歐和中歐的漢撒同盟（德文Hanse； 英文Hanseatic League）。
古希臘時期，在亞歷山大帝的攻略之下，城邦沿海路貿易伸延，由地中海伸延到中東、中亞，直入北印度，至今印度及阿富汗仍留下希臘城邦的遺跡。
During the ancient Greek period, with the offensive advance of Alexander the Great, Greek city-states extended along the sea route of trade, from the Mediterranean Sea to the Middle East, to Central Asia, right into Northern India. Historical remains of Greek city-states can still be seen in India and Afghanistan.
另一路線，伸延到歐洲、北海及波羅的海，留下自由城市、自治市的傳統。
The other route extended to Europe, the Northern Sea and Baltic Sea, leaving behind the tradition of free city and free town in Europe (Wan Chin 2011: 68).
歷史悠久、身雖死而魂猶在的城邦生活，可以說是歐洲獨有的文化現象。
漢撒同盟 Hanseatic League
- 城邦、商業與資本主義
- City-state, Commerce and Capitalism
資本主義發展初階的商人自治市，由商人世族、僑商或殖民地組成（例如德國人、丹麥人在北歐的商旅聚居地），例如北歐波羅的海一代於十四至十六世紀出現的漢撒同盟。
Mercantile autonomous cities of the early stage of capitalism were set up and administered by influential mercantile families, overseas merchants or settlers (e.g. regions where German and Danish merchants lived in compact communities), such as the Hanseatic League that thrived around the Baltic Sea between the 14th and the 16th Centuries.
十五世紀中葉之後，歐洲的國族建立運動（nation building）興起，主權國家開始用憲政法治、金融實力和軍事保護來主導資本主義，如尼德蘭（荷蘭）和聯合王國（英國）的出現，建立憲政國家和資本主義制度（法治、公共行政、股票交易所stock exchange之類）
After the mid-15th Century, nation building became popular in Europe. Sovereign countries, e.g. Netherland and the United Kingdom, began to direct capitalism by means of constitutional rule of law, financial prowess and military protection. And constitutional nations and capitalistic systems (rule of law, public administration, stock exchange, etc.) were built up.
十七世紀在波羅的海爆發的三十年戰爭（Thirty Years War 一六一八—一六四八），打擊了漢撒城市同盟，便使到威尼斯、不萊梅、漢堡、呂比克等城市在政治上衰落，不再成為強大的政治實體，然而，融入新興的共和國之後，依然繼續發揮經濟和文化作用。
The Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648), which broke out at Baltic Sea, dealt a severe blow to the Hanseatic League, such that cities like Venice, Bremen, Hamburg, and Lübeck declined politically and no longer remained strong political entities. However, incorporated into newly arisen republics, they continued to give play to their economic and cultural functions (Wan Chin 2011: 68).
上海法租界 Shanghai French Concession
- 中國的城邦：先秦與清末
- The Development of city-states in Asia is different from that in Europe.
先秦時代的封建諸侯國、城市封邑（如臨淄、邯鄲）等，都有類似城邦的地位。
During the Spring and Autumn Period (770-476 B.C.) and the Period of Warring States (475-221 B.C.), feudal states and urban manor estates in China had a status resembling an European city-state.
秦之後，漢土無城邦，直至香港城邦在一八四二年出現，隨後短暫出現青島暨膠州灣的青島租界及上海法租界，才有歐洲式的城邦出現。
After the Qin Dynasty (221-206 B.C.), there had been no European-style city-states in China until the emergence of HK in 1842. Subsequently, the Qingdao concession and the Shanghai concession appeared for a short time.
香港之城邦，乃英國商人及華人商人、士人在此地共處，在英國殖民政府的普通法的法治秩序之下，可以自由貿易及結社，累積財富，安心發展商業，並以社會賢達或委任議員的身份參與本地政治（如伍廷芳、何啟、羅旭龢和周壽臣等）。香港商人及士人的政治地位雖然比不上歐洲城邦，但也是亞洲史上的例外。
In the city-state of HK, British merchants and Chinese merchants and men of letters lived together in peace. Under the rule of Common Law exercised by the British colonial government, they could freely trade and form associations there, accumulate wealth, develop business at ease, and participate in local politics in the capacity of social elite or appointed legislator. Although the political status of HK merchants and intellectuals was not as high as that of their counterparts in European city-states, still HK has been an exception in Asian history (Wan Chin 2011: 69).
亞洲城邦 — 新加坡 City-states of Asia – Singapore
- 香港：雅典與漢撒同盟市之合體
- Hong Kong: A Combination of Athens and the Hanseatic League
城邦是歐洲傳統，亞洲的兩個現存的強大城邦——新加坡和香港，都是由英國殖民勢力建立的，若要與歐洲比擬，這兩個城邦之身份類似歐洲的亞歷山大帝開闢的希臘城邦與漢撒同盟的商人城市的混合體。
City-state is a European tradition. The two existing strong city-states of Asia – Singapore and Hong Kong – were both established by British colonial power. These two city-states resemble a combination of a Greek city-state set up by Alexander the Great and a mercantile city of the Hanseatic League.
新加坡城邦（一八一九——）和香港城邦（一八四二——）之建立，不得不歸功於英國強大的制度文明、公共行政與文化轉移能力，令前者可以領導南洋，後者可以獨步東亞。
The city-state of Singapore and the city-state of Hong Kong owe their establishment to British institutional civilization, public administration and capability of inducing cultural transformation, making it possible for Singapore to lead the South Sea and Hong Kong to be unrivaled in East Asia.
亞洲短暫存在過的城邦，則有普魯士建立的青島暨膠州灣殖民地（一八九七——一九四九）及上海的法國租界城市（一八四五——一九四三），都在民國時期或中共統治之後消失了政治作用，文化作用也隨之消亡。
Transient city-states in Asia include the Qingdao concession (1897-1949) set up by Prussia and the French Shanghai concession (1845-1943). Both lost their political function and subsequently their cultural function during the Republican Period or after the CCP rose to power (Wan Chin 2011: 73).
- 亞洲城邦，只剩香港
- Hong Kong is the only city-state left in Asia
原生的城邦是希臘式的孤立城邦，後來是系列城邦或城邦聯盟，城邦聯盟加強締約（如漢撒同盟市成立的關稅聯盟），成為民族國家，促成聯邦制度的訂立（如荷蘭、德國及美國、加拿大）。
The primary city-states are the isolated city-states of Greece, followed by families of city-states or leagues of city-states. When a league of city-states reinforce their treaty (for example: the Hanseatic League formed a customs union), they become a nation or a confederate (such as Holland, Germany, North America and Canada).
然而，也有新興民族國家未能保有城邦的文化而中道陷落的，中國是一例，馬來西亞是另一例。
However, there are also newly arisen nations which fail to maintain their city-state culture and decline in the middle, e.g. China and Malaysia.
伊斯蘭城邦恢復伊斯蘭（程度不一的）政教合一統治是一例。
When Muslim city-states resume unification of the state and the church to various degrees, they often lose their city-state tradition.
中國在民國初年收回外國租界，中共建政之後刻意打壓這些租界城邦的文化，迫害城市精英，流徙城市人口（「下放」知識分子），令這些新生城邦的現代制度、文化價值和市民生活方式無法發展和流播，舉國都在專政的一體制度之控制之下。
China retrieved concessions during the early Republican years. When the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) took control of China, it deliberately repressed thee culture of these city-state concessions, persecuted city elite, exiled urban populations, so that the modern system, cultural values and municipal life style of these newborn city-states could not develop and spread. In fact, the entire country has been put under a totalitarian system.
馬來西亞則因為忌憚新加坡城邦的財力和華裔人口，將新加坡剔出馬來西亞聯邦之外，致令兩者受到傷害.
As regards Malaysia, due to its dread of the financial prowess and ethnic Chinese population of the city-state Singapore, it kicked Singapore out of the Malaysia Federation such that both parties were harmed.
馬來西亞聯邦在初年走向專制獨裁和族群政治（優惠馬來人而歧視華人），違背城邦的開放共融精神.
Back in the sixties, the Malaysian Federation began to move towards despotism and ethnic group rule (favoring indigenous Malaysians and discriminating against Chinese), running counter to the open and merging spirit of city-state.
新加坡共和國雖然提倡族群融和，但始終為了在外敵之下掙扎求存，故此無可避免地採取了專政，至今雖然稍為開放，但仍未恢復當年的南洋城邦之自由創發。
Despite its advocacy of harmony among different ethnic groups, Singapore has had to struggle for survival among external opponents. Inevitably, it has adopted despotism. Now although it is slightly more open than before, it has not yet recovered the freedom and creativity of the early South Sea city-states (Wan Chin 2011: 78).
- 香港城邦與中國命運
- The City-State Hong Kong and the Destiny of China
假若中國當局及國人之視野開闊，不想中華落入封閉殘暴的一體化統治，則今日兩岸四地分開統治的政體，各自保存特色及互相協調關係，也可締約為「中華邦聯」或「中華國協」（Chinese confederation），有自己區內的統一貨幣（如華圓Chinese dollar）及一致的外交政策。
If the China authorities and their countrymen are far-sighted and do not want the Chinese culture to be trapped in a close book of brutality and monotony, then the current individual political bodies of Hong Kong, Taiwan, Macao and China, in maintaining their own characteristics and coordinating with each other, may also form an alliance known as Chinese confederation with a unified diplomatic policy and currency (such as Chinese dollar).
香港現代城市之歷史，悠久而不斷，此開拓中華天下之宏圖大計，以保存香港一百七十年的城邦資源，最為重要。
The history of Hong Kong as a modern history will go on and on without interruption. The most important part of this grand plan of reclaiming the Chinese world is Hong Kong’s 170 years of city-state resources (Wan Chin 2011: 79).
- 為何要在香港主權移交中共接近十五年的時候，提出城邦精神？
- Why is it necessary to reassert the city-state spirit of HK, 15 years after the transfer of it sovereignty to Communist China?
國家的君臨，不單不會使香港人看到前景和路向，而是使香港各方面都無所適從——因為中共就是一個前路茫茫、等待危機爆發的可憐國家，而中共至今仍是由革命政府掌握，臨時執政了六十幾年，黨大於國，憲政共和之日，遙遙無期，以香港城邦的文明、理性與寬容，只能配上憲政共和的政體，落入了中共手上，豈不兩敗俱傷？
Subordination to China has not only failed to enable HK people to see any prospect or direction but also made HK at a loss in every respect.
Because Communist China itself is a pathetic country with bleak prospects, waiting for crises to break out. Having ruled “temporarily” for more than sixty years, the government of China is still a “revolutionary” government and the Party is still above the State. Real constitutional republicanism is not within the foreseeable future. Given the city-state civilization, rationality and tolerance of Hong Kong, it can only be matched by a constitutional republican system of government. Does its ending up in the hands of Communist China not mean defeat for both sides? (Wan Chin 2011: 91).
- 香港命運：步上海之後塵？
- Hong Kong’s Destiny: Will HK follow in Shanghai’s Footsteps?
自己聲名狼藉，人員貪污腐敗，香港卻可在金融安全、對外融資、海外投資、國際經驗和制度更新各方面對中國有無可取代之助力
China itself is internationally notorious and its officers profoundly corrupt. In contrast, HK can be of irreplaceable assistance to China in terms of raising funds externally, overseas investment, international experience and institutional reform.
由於中共忌憚香港人，於是官僚只有墨守中共當年對付上海城邦的方法，用攤薄功能、流徙社區、摻雜外來人口、破壞城邦地理的方式，瓦解香港。
As the CCP envies and dreads HK people, its bureaucrats can only indiscriminately follow the way in which the CCP dealt with the city-state Shanghai in the 1950s – disintegrating HK by reducing its functionality, exiling its communities, mixing its population with new immigrants, and sabotaging its city-state geography.
中共官僚在香港進行愛國教育和普通話教中文，但卻無視香港有超過一半的外國國籍人口，而且在城邦推行愛國教育，狹窄的生存環境也容易滋生排外思想。而由於美國緊密觀察香港的變化，一旦香港大陸化的臨界點超越了，香港的自治權受損害、香港人口摻雜大陸新移民過多，美國便不會給予香港特殊關照，反而會緊密監視。
Communist China bureaucrats are trying to carry out patriotic education and teaching Chinese as a subject in Putonghua without regard to the fact that more than one half of the HK population are of a foreign nationality. Also, carried out in such a crowded place as HK, patriotic education can easily lead to exclusionism. Moreover, as the United States is paying close attention to changes in HK, once the critical point of Mainlandization of HK is reached and Hong Kong’s autonomy is compromised, America will withdraw special favors for HK (Wan Chin 2011: 91-92).
- 延長過渡狀態，無懼城邦身份
- Extension of the Transitional State with no Fear of the City-State Status
香港人面臨兩大政治懸案，不換轉腦筋，這兩大懸案足以埋葬香港：
Hong Kong people are faced with two major outstanding issues. If they do not change their way of thinking, these two major outstanding are enough to bury HK.
- 香港是否需要憲政民主的中國做依歸？中國不民主，香港就是否無運行？Does HK really need a constitutional democratic China as its frame of reference? Does a non-democratic China necessarily mean no luck for HK?
- 香港的過渡身份，予香港人極大焦慮。香港非國亦非市，而是所謂特別行政區，香港的一國兩制又只能維持五十年不變，香港人不敢想像香港可以過渡到主權國家（香港獨立），那麼就只能過渡到成為中共治下一個直轄市了？The transitional status of HK has caused HK people a great deal of concern. HK is neither a country nor a city, but a so-called special administrative region. And HK’s “one country-two systems” can only remain unchanged for 50 years. HK people dare not imagine transition of HK to a sovereign country (an independent HK). So does that mean that eventually HK can only become an ordinary coastal city directly under the CCP?
解決香港問題，就是承認香港的城邦歷史和城邦地位。比起古代的帝國和現代的共和國，城邦雖然是過渡狀態，但也可以維持長時期的過渡，特別是香港的城邦狀態
The solution to these issues of HK is to recognize HK’s city-state history and city-state status. Compared with the ancient empire and the modern republic, the city-state can also maintain a long term of transition, although it is a transitional state. Hong Kong’s city-state condition is especially so.
在等待中國完成憲政共和政體和聯邦制度（或其他容許地方自治的制度）之前，中國政府應該容許香港城邦繼續發展，毋須急於將香港帶入古代帝國的狀態——現在的中共就是古代的帝國主義狀態。
Before China accomplishes constitutional republicanism and federalism (or any other system that permits regional autonomy), the Chinese government should allow the city-state of HK to continue its develop rather than hastily incorporate HK into the state of an ancient empire – contemporary Communist China is like an ancient imperial power (Wan Chin 2011: 92).
- 曾蔭權：香港水，香港血？
- Donald Tsang: Hong Kong Water, Hong Kong blood?
二〇〇三年的七一大遊行之後，董建華延至二〇〇五年，抱病下台，曾蔭權替代之。二〇〇四年，曾蔭權為了取信於港人，對記者說「我飲香港的水長大，身上流著香港人的血，我絕不會出賣香港人！」
城邦只問居住地和價值觀，是不問出身:，也不問出生的
After the July 1st Mass Rally in 2003, HK Chief Executive C. H. Tung stayed in his office until 2005 when he stepped down on the pretext of illness and was replaced by Donald Tsang. In 2004, in order to win HK people’s confidence, Tsang said to the press, “I grew up drinking Hong Kong water and in my body flows Hong Kong blood. I will never betray Hong Kong!”
A city-state only cares about place of residence and value, but not family background and place of birth.
曾蔭權這句話，是香港族群政治的先兆，也是香港在沒有全盤考慮之下捲入中國意識之後而引起的反彈。至於二〇〇六年五月，他強調委任諮詢委員的時候講究「親疏有別」，也違背了城邦只問才能和功德的原則。香港城邦意識動搖了，向陌生的國族意識形態靠攏了。為了向中共施加壓力，捍衛《基本法》賦予香港人的普選權利，立法會議員黃毓民發起社民連和公民黨議員五人在二〇一〇年發動五區議員辭職，於同年五月十六日同時參與補選，是為香港五區公投運動。這是全民決志的運動，雖然因為遭受土共冷處理和政府刁難而投票率不高，但也顯示很多部分香港人命運與共的城邦市民心理。
This statement of Tsang’s is a foreboding of HK ethnic politics as well as a repercussion of Hong Kong’s involvement in the China consciousness without comprehensive deliberation. Then in May 2006, he stressed that in appointing consultative committee members, the proximity of relationship would be carefully considered, which also ran counter to the city-state’s principle of only caring about talent and meritocracy.
The city-state consciousness of HK was shaken and drawn close to the unfamiliar nationalism of China. In order to pressurize Communist China and defend the right of universal suffrage as endowed upon HK people by the Basic Law, the legislator Wong Yuk Man, together with four other legislators resigned in 2010 and participated in the by-election on 16 May the same year. This is known as the Five District Referendum Movement, a movement of universal determination. Due to the local communists’ cold treatment and the local government’s purposeful obstructions, the voting rate was not high but still it showed that quite a few people believed that they shared the same destiny as townsfolk of the same city-state.
此後，大陸孕婦洶湧來港產子以取得全家居留權、大陸人來港炒賣奶粉與遊客態度惡劣，令香港興起排斥大陸移民的情緒，甚至鄙稱之為「蝗蟲」。
Moreover, Mainland pregnant women flocking to Hong Kong to give birth in order to acquire right of residence for their families and Mainlander visiting HK to speculate on milk power and bad manners on the part of tourists have aroused sentiments in Hong Kong against Mainland immigrants, who are even despicably called “locusts”.
二〇一一年八月，留駐香港工作的海外女傭申請司法覆核，要求留港工作滿七年的，依照《基本法》享有香港居留權，大批高舉自己是土生土長的香港人抗議，不支持外傭申請司法覆核。
In August 2011, overseas domestic helpers working in HK applied for judicial review, demanding that those who has worked there for seven years be granted right of residence in HK in accordance with the Basic Law. A group of HK people upholding their local birth and upbringing protested against the overseas domestic helpers’s application for judicial review.
二〇一一年八月，中共副總理李克強來訪香港大學，引致香港警察侵害大學生示威權利。又有一批高舉土生土長的中產人士登報支持警察果斷執法。
In August 2011, Communist China Premier Li Ke Qiang visited University of Hong Kong, which led to Hong Kong police encroaching on university students’ right of demonstration. Again a group of middle-class people, stressing that they were born and brought up in Hong Kong, published an announcement on a local paper to support Hong Kong police’s resolute enforcement of law.
無論正反意見，無論是反共還是親共，無論是特首曾蔭權還是街上的示威者，高舉香港土生土長，已經成為代表香港本土利益和本土公義的指定動作，這標明香港已經不經意地進入族群政治的階段。這是無可避免的，也是香港捲入中國國族意識而必須解決的難題，否則必會損害香港的國際都會地位和文化格局。
For both citizens for and citizens against the communists, for both Chief Executive and demonstrators on the streets, stressing one’s HK indigenousness has already become a regular gesture of representing local interests of Hong Kong and local justice. This indicates that Hong Kong has already inadvertently entered the stage of ethnic politics. This is inevitable as well as a problem generated by Hong Kong’s involvement in China nationalism. It has to be resolved, otherwise Hong Kong’s international cosmopolitan status and cultural setup will be compromised.
- 提倡城邦精神，轉化族群政治
- Advocacy of City-State Spirit and Transformation of Ethnic Politics
解決族群政治，促進族群良性融和而不是催化惡性排斥，只有重提香港的城邦精神。這是香港本土意識的唯一出路，也是族群政治的唯一解決方法。
The only way to resolve ethnic conflicts and promote ethnic integration rather than vicious exclusionism in HK is to reassert HK’s city-state spirit. This is the sole exit to the local consciousness of HK as well as the only solution to ethnic conflicts in HK (Wan Chin 2011: 94-96). ■
陳美齡：香港，香港（1982）
